Comparative Analysis— Born With Clipped Wings: Limitations to Social Mobility in Education for Marginalized Communities in India and the United States

Introduction

Systemic discrimination via regulating access to education is a fundamental aspect of the Caste and Class systems. In the United States, social stratification is highly connected to the fundamental founding and colonization of North America. The initial immigrating demographics highlighted this, where wealthy white elite sponsored poor individuals to come to the United States under indentured servitude. These indentured servants had little access to education and were instead expected to work optimally in menial and manual labor. Education would prove a threat to this system, as seen in Bacon’s rebellion, where the American elite recognized the consequences of the working class turning on them. In order to mitigate this, the elite established a social hierarchy, which aimed to redirect the anger of the working class of the elite and pit them against each other. This social stratification mostly came at the expense of the black working class and other individuals who occupied intersectional identities (Simba, 2022, para. 1). It was the intention of the rich to maintain this social stratification as it allowed the money to funnel up to the elite. This system was adamantly denied as it essentially proved the American Dream an impossible reality for many of the American people and because the American Dream sits parallel to American ideals, it became necessary to disregard the systemic issues of social stratification in favor of maintaining the “American identity”.

In India, similar processes were enacted. The Caste system was a social hierarchy put in place over 3,000 years ago. It functioned off of Hindu ideals which emphasized purity and religious competency. On the highest rung of this social ladder sat the Brahmins, or priests, who had the most power as they created and maintained the laws of the land. On the lowest rung sat the Dalits, who were considered too dirty to touch or interact with in any context. The working class of the Caste system, or Shudras, were denied any form of religious education. This is pertinent as religious purity, morality, and knowledge were the major ways for an individual in a low-ranking class, or varna, to enter a higher one (Le, 2023). The Brahmans of Indian society utilized similar techniques to the American elite by withholding education and grouping the Shudras into the greater Hindu party for political and social power (Shepherd, 2023, para. 11). Additionally, Indian society functioned under similar ideals of being the best in one’s Jati, or occupation, in order to improve ones standings and achieve rebirth, the ultimate goal. However, the ability to ascend in varna was impossible for any individual in the working class because it was believed that reincarnation only occurs over multiple lifetimes. The Brahmins used similar ideological processes to the American elite where they barred education that would genuinely support the working class in climbing varna’s but simultaneously encouraged hard work within the system.

It is worth noting that mobility is referred to in several different contexts in this paper. Social mobility on a broader level is defined by Britannica as “…movement of individuals, families, or groups, through a system of social hierarch or stratification” (Britannica n.d.). This paper specifically touches on opportunities for upward mobility, “The capacity or facility for rising to a higher social or economic position” (Merriam-Webster n.d.), both on a broader, systemic level and on a personal, experiential level. The paper also discusses major aspects of upward mobility such as educational mobility, occupational mobility, and income mobility. Each of these pieces aims to provide a wider and more holistic understanding of barriers and the unique difficulties for American and Indian marginalized communities. When analyzing the structures, intentions, and significance of these socially stratified systems, it becomes apparent that social mobility was, and is, hugely hindered by the fundamental aspects that keep these hierarchies in place. A massive piece of that is access and aid in education, and, if society aims to irradiate the inequalities created, it is necessary to heavily reform current educational practices. Despite education’s ability to spark social mobility, institutionalized social and economic stratification persists and primarily occurs in inequitable barriers to adequate education for marginalized communities in the United States and India.

Significance of Education

Education makes up a huge portion of the opportunity for upward mobility. It is one of the first aspects of society that the elite will control, as discussed above, and, theoretically, offers a ladder to upward mobility, both in occupation and income. However, the association of education with upward mobility may exist more as a continuation of both India’s and the United States empty meritocracy-centered ideals, not of an evidence-based system (Ferry, 2022, p. 4). Education suffers much from the limitations enacted upon it by policymakers and government, who typically also are part of elite groups. The duality of expecting a high level of education from the working class while also requiring it be done in a way that ensures stability in social stratification is one of the fundamental barriers to education and its cascading opportunities for upward mobility in minority and marginalized communities.

Current Opportunities and Aid for Social Mobility via Education

Most policy and aid for marginalized groups in education surrounds affirmative action and quotas for education and post-secondary employment. As one study describes, “…the most disadvantaged castes and tribes we provided with reserved seats in higher educational institutions in public sector jobs…”(Hnatkovska, Lahiri, & Paul, 2013, p. 2). Quotas have similar goals, emphasizing diversity of experience in higher education and employment. In 2019, India has put into place a 10% quota for marginalized and systemically disadvantaged groups in India (Correspondent, 2019, para. 1). It is unclear how exactly this policy will play out in the long run but thus far the policy has yielded some positive results in education demographics. One aspect of aid in education that India does not possess but the United States does, are grants and scholarships. Grants tend to be need-oriented, while scholarships are merit-based (CollegeBoard, n.d.). While some of these grants and scholarships offer specifically to marginalized groups, a majority do not. These programs have helped a small portion of marginalized communities but, similarly to Affirmative Action, lack the scale and holistic nuance necessary to be a systemic solution to education inequality. Interestingly, Affirmative Action in the United States was overturned in the United States this past June. A majority of the Supreme Court Justices argued that emphasis on race in college admissions undermined academic merit. However, Judge Jackson made a poignant comment that criticizes the ideas of equality and “colorblindness” without policy in place (Totenberg, 2023, para. 12). While it is predicted that the overturning of Affirmative Action will affect student demographics, it is still too early to know for certain.

Limitations for Social Mobility via Education

Marginalized communities in the United States and India both experience similar barriers to education. These barriers mainly fit under four categories: access and resources, safety and discrimination, social and familial climate, and representation and advocacy. Under the umbrella of access and resources sits infrastructure, transportation, and access to tutoring or additional support. Only 10% of India’s Dalit community lives in urban areas (Ferry, 2022, p. 8). This is problematic as a majority of prestigious or rigorous schools are in urban areas in India. Another aspect of infrastructure and policy in India is that Affirmative Action does not exist in the private sector of education. This forces Dalits into public education making the jump from public to private occupations in the government or higher education difficult (Ferry, 2022 pp. 16-17), . A third aspect of access is the need for additional tutoring, specifically in the English language. It is expected that one speaks English if they wish to work in the government or higher education. Nivedita (2023) argues that “Learning English was fundamental to the women’s educational strategies…”(p. 9), in reference to the high-achieving Dalit women the report studied. Similar barriers exist in the United States. It is difficult to find rigorous schools depending on where you live and while the transition from public high school to higher education is easier, it is still highly competitive. Free tutoring is generally difficult to find, and even then, it is not always supportive.

The second set of major barriers exists under safety and discrimination. Most marginalized groups will experience some level of conscious discrimination in education at some point. This includes dehumanization, humiliation, and concerns regarding one’s own safety. For example, many young Black men will experience trouble in school because they are stereotyped as uninterested or lazy (Payne & Brown, 2016, p. 1). This creates a general environment of distrust and distaste between teachers and students, which plays into social climate and representation, two other umbrella barriers. This also exists in India where Dalit and Shudra students are often called slurs, mercilessly teased, and often discriminated against by students in higher castes (Pankaj, 2021, p. 3). In both India and the United States, these marginalized groups must work twice as hard to be taken seriously by professionals, both in work and education. They must defy the stereotypes placed upon them simply to enter secondary school and university. This dehumanization only continues after pursuing schooling where minority individuals are still subconsciously viewed as inferior, even with higher education (Ferry, 2021, pp. 19-20).

The third branch of barriers, and arguably the largest, exists under social and parental climate. In both Dalit and gang-involved communities, parental support is huge in predicting future educational and occupational mobility (Payne & Brown, 2016, p. 4; Nivedita, 2023, p. 6). In India, this consists of parents being willing to sacrifice and work especially hard for their children’s schooling. It also requires parents to disregard societal expectations, especially if they are aiming to educate a girl. In the United States, the issue is less societal expectation and more parental presence. Many parents are working multiple jobs or are involved in the drug industry. Language barriers and generational struggles with educational institutions can also impact parental presence in their children’s schooling (Reynolds, et al, 2015, p. 3). This is difficult for young students who need additional support and role models at such a formative time. Both groups also experience additional social barriers and expectations. For young Black men, it is expected that one is able to provide for their community and family. Because secondary education is extremely time-consuming, and employment is still volatile afterward, many individuals prefer the certainty of gang and drug culture (Payne & Brown, 2016, p. 7). Similarly, Dalits have the certainty of employment in agriculture and the informal economy. These identities are only exacerbated if you intersect with multiple. For example, Dalit women must cope with the barriers of being both a Dalit and a woman. The intersection and combined disadvantages of race or ethnicity and gender are often referred to as “Double Jeopardy” in an academic setting and there is an abundance of research on the effects of this experience (Kumar & Sahoo, 2023, p. 6 ).

The final umbrella of barriers refers to representation in policy and role models. Because parental support can often be sparse for young students, strong teacher-student relationships become extremely pertinent. Many marginalized students will experience discrimination from their own teachers and these growing tensions can cause students to leave schooling altogether. Having positive relationships with teachers significantly lowers that barrier (Greene, 2021, p. 2). On a broader level, providing representation for minority identities in educational policy is a huge step in reforming such barriers. Encouraging highly educated minorities to advocate for their communities not only supports future generations of students but is also reflected as a wish for many high-achieving individuals regardless.

Conclusion

Both the United States and India have an ongoing and systemic issue with education and its relevancy in upward mobility for minority groups. Both countries share similar barriers to gaining education, however, each country has a specific portion of the education to upward mobility system that it struggles with most. In the United States, this is retention rates in schooling. For most minority groups, getting a low-wage, manual labor job or working in gangs is easier and significantly less humiliating or dehumanizing. The culture within drug dealing and gangs, while volatile, lends itself to a much more supportive and communal environment (Payne & Brown, 2016, p. 2). The reason drug dealing and gangs are pervasive in the first place relates to the broad automation and loss of jobs for the working class across the country. There are not enough high-income jobs for the working class to move into, much less security in getting them. For most people, the education to occupational mobility ladder is unrealistic and unachievable. In India, education rates are steadily increasing, but income and occupational mobility are not (Ferry, 2022, p. 3). While individuals are increasingly able to gain an education, that education is not transferring over to stability in the workforce. This is in part due to a lack of jobs and discrimination; however, it is largely a consequence of the large gap between the private sector and the public sector. India still functions largely off of the agricultural and informal economy, which exists on the opposite end of the spectrum to governmental work and higher education. These gaps also correspond with caste and privilege, making the jump between them extremely difficult. The Dalits have taken B. R. Ambedkar’s obsession with providing education to lower castes with stride (Pankaj, 2021, p. 1), but they have not yet considered that education still exists within a system that aims to marginalize and isolate them. It is apparent that education continues to fail minority people as it exists as an extension of upper-class privilege and wealth. Marginalized people get little to no say on how the system functions but are expected to use it blindly both as a result of a societal obsession with meritocracy and also as a continued method to maintain the structural soundness of social stratification (Pinkney, 2016 p. 2). A systemic solution would require the dismantling of the structure itself and a redistribution of wealth and privilege. This being said it is impossible to keep power from centralizing, and complete societal reform is extremely unlikely without unnecessary violence and unrest. Until a fundamental solution can be found, mitigating issues with access, social climate, discrimination, and representation provide the most promising options.

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